In our first two blogs we have presented
Mondragon’s business structure and corporate values with an emphasis on those aspects
we find particularly important in vouchsafing the health and safety of its
workers. Here, we’d like to address a few problems with the Mondragon
experience as a “worker cooperative” corporation as it has undergone expansion
and evolution over the past 30 years.
Expansion of the company:
By the
mid-1980s it had become apparent to Mondragon’s that many of its products were
in direct competition with other multinational
companies. Since retooling their company to make other products would be
difficult and costly, it was decided that the company would instead adapt to current global
practices rather than dramatically change their own products (2,5). This
meant, for example, that Mondragon would embrace expansion abroad,
Erosion
of “worker collective” values:
Mondragon
opened new plants in Mexico, Morocco, Egypt, Argentina, Thailand and China to name a few and, while Modragon insists it tries
to ensure good working conditions in its international plants, its
international workforce have not been offered member-ownership. Even within
Spain, Mondragon-owned popular Spanish food chain Eroski, did not offer its 40,000 employees a
chance to become worker-owners until 2009 (7, 5, 9, 2). This resulted in
a loosening of Mondragon’s grip on its own stated values as a worker-owned
cooperative.
Today, roughly one-third of Mondragón workers are
nonmembers out of 256 companies. This exceeds the original Mondragón commitment
to never employ more than
10% nonmembers.
“Temporary”
labor and gender inequality:
Gender equality in their hiring practices is also
an issue. As with other globally competitive capitalist corporations we’ve seen
(e.g.. Foxconn) when Mondragon experiences an increase in demand from the
marketplace they draw from a pool of temporary workers to fill the labor gap.
Temporary hires at Mondragon are overwhelmingly female, thus many lower
positions within the company are being occupied by females while blue-collar jobs
at Mondragon’s coops remain largely male (10). Temporary female workers often
receive less pay and, by definition, have less job security. This social stratification of workers by
gender is the anti-thesis of workplace democracy.
Alienation:
In the mid-1960s alternative approaches (in the
form of Scandinavian work groups) were introduced to Ulgor workers in an effort
to replace the rote and alienating line work Taylorism had brought. The
recession of the 1980s, however, created a shift away from alternative
manufacturing processes as the coops began to be more concerned with their
bottom line (11). By the early 1990s several lean production practices had been
accepted, including just-in-time
inventory along with other manufacturing practices to increase productivity
such as shift work (10). It’s hard to imagine in a company where workers
have a share in power the actual organization of work within its factories has
been left basically untouched. These practices bring into question the ability of Mondragon to support
workplace democracy and whether all member-owners are truly active in
decision-making within the company. (9,5,10).
Conclusion:
Mondragon is doing, many things right as we discussed in our previous two blogs re the company. However, given their commitment to the goals of worker participation and improved worker health, one would think they would extend offers of membership to their foreign employees, take a stand on gender inequality (possibly through outreach through their educational branch) and do more to encourage democracy and participation on the work floor.
Excellent blog about the conflict between a progressive company's values and the pressures of the global economy.
ReplyDeleteI agree with Paul's comment that this is an excellent and important blog. It is certainly possible that Mondragon might not be the ideal (worker-owned but not necessarily worker-managed), but I think it should be said that it is a step forward from current business practices.
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